As the days go by, President Javier Milei’s government is trying to emerge as best it can from the paralysis in which it has been immersed since the audio recordings of the ex-official Diego Spagnuolo exploded on the scene 10 days ago.
For those not in the know, it might be recalled that the man formerly in charge of the ANDIS (Agencia Nacional de Discapacidad) agency for the disabled described the collection of bribes for the purchase of medicaments, with the corrupt beneficiaries including Karina Milei and her right-hand man Eduardo ‘Lule’ Menem.
The rapid reaction of federal judge Sebastián Casanello and prosecutor Franco Picardi, who fired off raids, ordered the confiscation of mobile telephones and slapped a ban on leaving the country for those involved (among them the Kovalivkers, the owners of the Suizo Argentina pharmacy chain), only deepened the state of shock into which the Milei administration had entered.
The atrocious official silence, aggravated by Spagnuolo remaining mute over his own voice messages, compounded the President’s decision to remove his friend and (now former) personal lawyer from his post. Also removed was Daniel Garbellini, one of the directors of whom Spagnuolo complained had been imposed upon him to manage “the slush fund.”
Haunted by the fear that new audio leaks would show up and even videos (as occurred in part, although without the initial impact), the government bet in vain on the “carry on as we are” approach in an attempt to place the scandal behind it.
The Milei administration then adopted the defensive stance, without too much fervour, of blaming the scandal on a “kuka” Kirchnerite campaign timed just before the midterm elections.
Behind closed doors, intrigue and suspicion abounds as to who could be behind the eavesdropping on Spagnuolo. Within the sea of these speculations there navigated the internal tension between the Menems (‘Lule’ and Congress Speaker Martín) and Santiago Caputo, the former star spin doctor demoted back to his original function of communication strategist. Would that be one of the reasons for going mute?
In an overnight post, Lule denied the content of the audios, as did his cousin Martín hours later in two messy television appearances. According to official sources, it was sister supreme Karina who gave the order for him to face the music.
Guillermo Francos acted as spokesman, as usually happens when the going gets tough. (Presidential Spokesperson Manuel Adorni is for better things, isn’t he?) The Cabinet chief had to weather harassment from Congress over this case on Wednesday.
Nevertheless and against government wishes, the foam from this scandal did not go down, while the courts could still bring new bad news. The alleged system of bribery and kickbacks exposed by Spagnuolo would seem not to be limited to the purchase of medicaments (which would reportedly extend to other ministries) but also to other contracts, such as orthopaedic limbs for the disabled.
Another novelty is the advance of other cases like irregularities in the contributions to the PAMI healthcare scheme for pensioners (with its epicentre in Chaco, but extending elsewhere) and the business deals set up by the trusteeship of the healthcare scheme for rural workers. In all these Lule is under surveillance.
A risky idea is beginning to spread from a government sector: that the only way of keeping the sister supreme squeaky-clean is to sacrifice Lule. Karina is not expendable, given her symbiotic relationship with the President, but Menem?
The plan is attributed internally to Santiago Caputo and reportedly finds a certain echo with both the office of the Cabinet chief and the Economy Ministry.
The public argument has even been thought through. Lule’s resignation as a necessary sacrifice for a political project, which Kirchnerism wants to fatally wound with false denunciations. Nobody lets slip if Karina is aware of this yet and far less if she would endorse it. And if Lule himself requests it?
The ploy carries a hazard: the tacit admission that what Spagnuolo said is true.
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