The investigation by attorney Natalia Volosin and a series of unprecedented documents attest to all the details of the business ties between Flybondi owner Leonardo Scatturice and Infobae founder Daniel Hadad. According to the material collected, both have shared for over two decades now an invisible business web including million-dollar real estate transactions, companies in tax havens, contracts with the State and sustained political and media protection.
The scheme, involving frontmen and companies linked with court cases, shows how the relationship was consolidated in parallel with the progress both enjoyed in the corporate world. Infobae’s coverage —presenting partners and companies as management models or technology leaders— accompanied and justified part of these operations.
The starting point was with My Estates I Corp. and My Estates II Corp., Florida-based companies with a turnover of US$ 10 million. One of them is in the name of an Infobae employee who lives in Ciudadela, with a monthly income of some 5 million pesos; yet he shows up as the sole director of the company which owns Hadad’s main apartment in Miami: a merger of four units in the Continuum building, purchased in November 2016 for US$ 15.3 million.
This structure further includes operations for US$ 10.4 million by Hadad’s sister-in-law, via companies based in Florida and the British Virgin Islands. One of the homes involved —“sold” by Hadad to Scatturice— was also used to take out striking loans from companies incorporated in Delaware.
Scatturice is linked with businesspeople investigated in high-profile cases. In the case of the “parallel embassy” in Venezuela, there is her relationship with Maximiliano González Kunz, via a company created in Panama in 2019. González Kunz was sentenced by judge Marcelo Aguinsky in the investigation over Levy’s dealings in Venezuela, though the Court of Appeals revoked the measure and the case is still open.
González Kunz —owner of Núcleo y Neutrón— was behind the Bendú business complex in Mar del Plata, opened by Javier Milei in 2024, and, according to Volosin, seeks to keep the car park in Buenos Aires City. He is also the CEO of Andrómeda Group Latam, which until 2019 was called C3 IG LLC and was a partner of of C3 Consulting S.A., a firm flagged for operating illegal intelligence. This company was based in the Miami apartment sold by Hadad to Scatturice for years.
Another partner was Gabriel Znidarcic, a Venezuelan businessman mentioned in the parallel embassy case through firm Frolem, which maintains deals with Gastón Marquevich. In his first public report, Volosin had already pointed out that some operations with the Tiné brothers —also from Venezuela— helped Scatturice launder US$ 6 million.
In the case of the so-called “container mafia,” Scatturice created between 2016 and 2017 three companies with Aldo Javier Limardo, sentenced in an offshoot of the case, known as the “removers’mafia.” Limardo was a resident agent of C3 IG LLC in Florida, the same company linked with illegal intelligence and the media operation against Gómez Centurión, disseminated “exclusively” by Infobae, according to Volosin.
Volosin’s investigation found a pattern: purchasing technology companies with previous experience in tenders, increasing their capital, removing original partners and ensuring contracts with the State. Infobae’s coverage favourable to the firms and their executives reinforced that strategy.
The most visible example is OCP TECH S.A., an offshoot of SYSTEMNET S.A., purchased to Federico Haymes Biedma between 2018 and 2019. In 2022, they purchased the remaining 33 percent for US$ 4 million, although the payment was not finalised and led to a lawsuit in the United States. Under the control of Scatturice and Marquevich, OCP TECH accessed contracts with the Ministry of Education, the Attorney General’s Office and the University of Buenos Aires (UBA). Ever since Jorge Macri arrived in the City Government, he was awarded million-dollar contracts.
The same method was used with the business of virtual sessions of the Chamber of Deputies during the pandemic, awarded to SYSTEMNET and Andrómeda Group Latam. Presented as a prestigious company, Andrómeda was actually the offshoot of C3 Consulting in Panama, with no experience in technology. Infobae showed González Kunz as CEO of the firm, whereas the awarding of the contract depended on Juan Manuel Cheppi, son of then Argentine ambassador in Venezuela.
Currently, the group is behind MIA ID, a biometric digital identification system. In April 2024, OCP TECH partnered with Gabriel Pablo De Simone, and in May 2025, the company was pre-registered as a State provider.
Volosin specified in his investigation the lack of media coverage given to this case, except for the notes by reporter Rodis Recalt, from Noticias, who disclosed part of the links between the former spy and the media businessman.
“The chats also include conversations with media mogul Daniel Hadad, discussing current affairs and exchanging information. The bond with Hadad was strengthened as years went by and they even had deals together. In 2017, Scatturice bought an apartment from him in the Continuum South Beach Condo complex. The friendship with Scatturice brought many joys to Hadad. One of the major ones is was presented by Scatturice to his friend and partner Mario De la Fuente, who today owns label Boken. De la Fuente is a former Buenos Aires Province policeman who took part in the operation that culminated in the Avellaneda massacre where left-wing activists Maximiliano Kosteki and Darío Santillán died. Many years later, De la Fuente started working with Hadad and as the years went by joined the family,” said Recalt in one of the articles which shared the cover of the July 11 edition.
As described by Volosin, in Florida some 20 companies interconnected as resident agents or managers were detected, with no visible business or real estate activities. “The structure is typical of money laundering manoeuvres. They involve Scatturice and people linked with other resounding cases, such as Pamela Poveda —a partner and notary in real estate transactions— and Laura Arrieta".
Volosin revealed that a report will be filed before the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FINCEN) in the US to expose the company circuit used to move funds through the formal financial system.
TIMES/PERFIL
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